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From left, Ahmaud Arbery’s mother Wanda Cooper-Jones, the Rev. Al Sharpton, Arbery’s father Marcus Arbery, and civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump react after the jury convicted Travis McMichael on November 24 in the Glynn County Courthouse in Brunswick, Georgia.

The defense team also invoked race through a series of dog whistles about Arbery’s hygiene and appearance, though they never mentioned the color of Arbery’s skin or that of his murderers.

“Turning Ahmaud Arbery into a victim after the choices that he made does not reflect the reality of what brought Ahmaud Arbery to Satilla Shores in his khaki shorts with no socks to cover his long, dirty toenails,” defense attorney Laura Hogue told the jury in closing remarks.

Legal experts and activists following the trial blasted Hogue’s rhetoric. Civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump claimed Hogue’s description likened Arbery to a “runaway slave” and ludicrously suggested that the men had the right to “chase him and make him comply or kill him.”

Defense attorneys blended these racist tropes with arguments about the three men needing to patrol Satilla Shores to keep residents and property in the suburban neighborhood safe.

The makeup of the jury forced race to loom even larger in the trial before it began. Eleven jurors were white and one was Black in a county that is 27 percent Black.

“The [nearly all-white makeup of the jury] was completely intentional. The judge noted it but didn’t rule on it,” said Jeffers. “You expect juries to resemble the communities they are representing.”

The Sixth Amendment guarantees a right to a criminal trial by an impartial jury, but there is no law that states a jury needs to be racially representative of the area where it takes place. Lead prosecutor Dunikoski claimed the defense disproportionately struck qualified Black jurors and based some of their strikes on race. Though the jury convicted the men of murder, there’s ample reason to question the decision to strike almost all Black jurors from the start, experts told Vox.

“Whiteness is a race. It’s an ideology, and there is bias associated with it, but we don’t have those discussions,” Jeffers said. “All of the burden is shifted onto Blackness and any potential bias Black people have because of their race. But no one talks about the potential bias of white jurors.”

While the verdict in the trial was widely hailed by civil rights leaders, many experts who spoke to Vox signaled that the country still has not grappled with racism and how it infiltrates many facets of American life.

“All these trials seem to be happening at once, and these conversations aren’t going away,” Hansford said, adding that the trial only made the need for teaching subjects like critical race theory more urgent. “It taught me how they can try to use these racial tropes like talking about someone’s ‘dirty toenails’ to win freedom for defendants,” he said.

  1. The trial also had echoes of the case of George Zimmerman, who in 2012 shot Florida teenager Trayvon Martin dead and was found not guilty of murder and manslaughter after claiming self-defense. That case and the verdict inspired the Black Lives Matter movement, and the trial against the three Georgia men, eight years later, is viewed as a test of how much progress the country has made.

    In a statement released Wednesday, President Joe Biden said that Arbery’s murder “is a devastating reminder of how far we have to go in the fight for racial justice in this country.”

    Yet the prosecution didn’t mention race until its closing argument. The three men pursued Arbery “because he was a Black man running down the street,” a prosecutor said. Lawyers’ reluctance to introduce the case’s racial element mirrors America’s lingering unwillingness to confront racism.

     Stephen B. Morton/Getty Images
    The prosecution plays a video of the fatal encounter between Ahmaud Arbery and the McMichaels at the request of the jury in deliberation on November 24.

    Though the Black Lives Matter movement has changed the way America talks about social justice — in 2020, more Americans than in 2015 said that racial discrimination is a big problem — the strong backlash against it continues to slow advancement.

    “While we’ve made strides, the tenets of the Black Lives Matter movement have not been realized,” Jeffers said. “For people who support the movement, it’s frustrating to see it being used as a slogan when this is about life and death for people. There’s dissonance between the strides we’ve made and how far we have to go, and the fact that it almost feels like we’re right back at the beginning when we were having conversations about Trayvon’s murder.”

    The McMichaels and Bryan trial and verdict, briefly explained

    Prosecutors in the trial argued that Gregory McMichael, 65, his son Travis, 35, and neighbor William Bryan, 52, pursued Ahmaud Arbery based on false assumptions about why he was jogging in Georgia’s Satilla Shores neighborhood. The prosecution argued that the men could not claim self-defense since they were the initial aggressors.

    Defense attorneys argued that the three men were making a lawful citizen’s arrest, which was protected at the time under a since-repealed Georgia statute. Under the law, a person could “arrest an offender if the offense is committed in his presence or within his immediate knowledge.”

    The defense team then argued that the younger McMichael shot Arbery because Arbery attacked him. Georgia law at the time allowed someone to stand their ground and use reasonable force to defend themselves or others. But the force is unjustified if the person is the initial aggressor and if they’re committing or attempting to commit a felony against a person.

     Octavio Jones/Getty Images
  <figcaption>Prosecutors Paul Camarillo and Linda Dunikoski stand in the courtroom at the Glynn County Courthouse 
on November 22.

The prosecution pointed out that under the citizen’s arrest law, the men could only carry out an arrest if they witnessed a crime take place or had “immediate knowledge” that a crime had been committed. The men had not seen Arbery commit a crime, nor did they have knowledge that he did, a fact that was not disputed in the trial.

The prosecution argued in its closing statement that the men felt emboldened to go after Arbery, acting on gossip from the community Facebook group about thefts in the neighborhood. “The defendants assumed the worst about Mr. Arbery and made their driveway decisions,” prosecutor Linda Dunikoski said.

Though the prosecutors initially signaled that they might argue that the men were motivated by racial animus, they left out this context, choosing not to center the racial tensions of the case. Details like that there was a Confederate flag sticker on the McMichaels’ truck toolbox or that Travis McMichael apparently said a racial slur after shooting Arbery did not enter the courtroom.

“The prosecutors walked a thin line in trying to persuade jurors. They’re in the Deep South. So a Confederate flag in a juror’s mind, superficially, may not equate to racism or white supremacy. If you cross that line, you’ve lost them,” Jeffers said. “Prosecutors tried to make their case by using neutral arguments that are based in logic and reason. You don’t want to pull on the race heartstrings because you don’t know if it’s going to be effective with all members of the jurors. If it turns one off, then it backfires.”

The defense made a final play to paint Arbery as “not an innocent man,” as someone who was to blame for “running away instead of facing the consequences.” According to defense attorney Laura Hogue’s comments at trial, Arbery shouldn’t be seen as a victim since “the choices he made does not reflect the reality of what brought Ahmaud Arbery to Satilla Shores in khaki shorts, with no socks to cover his long dirty toenails,” even alluding to Arbery’s criminal record, which a judge ruled was inadmissible.

“With these statements, the defense was trying to argue that there was some reasonable basis for the suspicion they had. Some of the jurors could have had the same suspicions,” Hansford said. “But they were basing this in bias. It’s not illegal to run down the street with uncut toenails.”

 Sean Rayford/Getty Images

Defense attorney Laura Hogue speaks during the trial of the killers of Ahmaud Arbery on November 18.

Nevertheless, the jurors — 11 white and one Black — decided the men had no grounds to try to detain Arbery and kill him in the process. The men will face hate crimes charges in federal court in February, with a federal indictment claiming that they attempted to seize and intimidate Arbery because of his race and skin color.

Georgia instituted reform in the wake of Arbery’s murder — but it’s not enough

In June 2020, just months after the men murdered Arbery, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) signed a hate crimes bill into law. The law imposes additional penalties for crimes committed due to a victim’s perceived race, color, religion, national origin, sex, sexual orientation, gender, mental disability, or physical disability.

A felony conviction under the Georgia law could render a sentence of at least two years of imprisonment and a fine of no more than $5,000. A misdemeanor conviction could result in a sentence of six to 12 months of imprisonment and a $5,000 maximum fine. Before Kemp signed the measure, Georgia was one of four states that didn’t have a hate crime law on the books.

Georgia also made changes to its citizen’s arrest law, becoming one of the first states to repeal it. The Civil War-era legislation, initially used as a “slave-catching law,” was pared back to only allow citizen’s arrests in specific situations, like a business owner detaining a shoplifter or a restaurant owner detaining a dine-and-dasher.

“I want to be supportive and feel encouraged when legislatures repeal racist and biased laws. It’s a good thing, but I’m really looking at what manifests as a result of repealing the law,” Jeffers said. “If you still have bad policing, overpolicing, and overuse of force in Black communities, then repealing a citizen’s arrest law is of no effect. We need outcome-based results versus reactionary legislation.”

Kemp said in a statement released Wednesday that “Arbery was a victim of a vigilantism that has no place in Georgia,” and added that he hoped the case could lead his state “forward down a path of healing and reconciliation.”

Others say that as states look to change laws, officials need to think more about the other ways that racist violence impacts people’s lives, including mental health. During the trial, Arbery’s mother walked out after listening to the defense attorney try to sully her son’s character and introduce suspicion about his intentions during the final moments of his life.

“These families are traumatized by this violence but the government hasn’t provided anything, like financial support, for their healing,” Hansford said. “Is the conviction supposed to heal Arbery’s mother? She needs support.”

Update, 3:30 pm: This story was updated to include statements from President Biden and Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp.

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